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克林顿任美国总统就职演说《美国复兴的新时代》

[移动版] 作者:名人 发布时间:09-14

美国复兴的新时代
 
  比尔•克林顿 第一次就职演讲

星期三,1993年1月(yue)20日

同胞们:

今天,我(wo)(wo)们庆祝(zhu)美(mei)国(guo)复兴的(de)奇迹。这个仪式虽(sui)在(zai)隆冬举行,然(ran)而(er),我(wo)(wo)们通过自己的(de)言(yan)语和向(xiang)世界(jie)(jie)展示的(de)面容、却促使春回大地--回到了世界(jie)(jie)上这个最古老的(de)民主国(guo)家,并带(dai)来(lai)了重新创造美(mei)国(guo)的(de)远见和勇气。

当我(wo)国(guo)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)缔造者勇敢地向世界宣(xuan)布美(mei)(mei)国(guo)独立,并向上(shang)帝(di)表明自(zi) 己的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)目的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)时,他们(men)(men)知道(dao),美(mei)(mei)国(guo)若要(yao)永(yong)存,就必(bi)须(xu)变(bian)革。不是为(wei)变(bian)革而变(bian)革,而是为(wei)了(le)维护美(mei)(mei)国(guo)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)理想--为(wei)了(le)生命(ming)、自(zi)由(you)和(he)追求幸福(fu)而变(bian)革。尽(jin)管我(wo)们(men)(men)随(sui)着当今(jin)时代 的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)节拍(pai)前进,但我(wo)们(men)(men)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)使命(ming)永(yong)恒(heng)不变(bian)。每一(yi)代美(mei)(mei)国(guo)人,部必(bi)须(xu)为(wei)作(zuo)为(wei)一(yi)个(ge)美(mei)(mei)国(guo)人意(yi)味着什么下(xia)定义。今(jin)天(tian),在(zai)冷战阴影下(xia)成长起来的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)一(yi)代人,在(zai)世界上(shang)负起了(le)新的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)责 任。这个(ge)世界虽(sui)然沐浴着自(zi)由(you)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)阳光,但仍受到旧仇宿怨和(he)新的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)祸患(huan)的(de)(de)(de)(de)(de)威胁。

我们在无与伦(lun)比的(de)(de)(de)繁荣中长大,继承(cheng)了仍然是世界上最(zui)强大的(de)(de)(de)经(jing)济。但由于企业倒闭,工资增长停滞、不平等状(zhuang)况(kuang)加剧,人民的(de)(de)(de)分歧加深,我们的(de)(de)(de)经(jing)济已经(jing)削(xue)弱。

当(dang)乔治•华(hua)盛顿第一次宣(xuan)读我(wo)(wo)(wo)刚才宜读的(de)(de)誓言(yan)时,人(ren)们骑马把 那个信息缓慢地传(chuan)遍(bian)大(da)地,继而(er)又来船把它传(chuan)过海洋(yang)。而(er)现在,这个仪(yi)式的(de)(de)情景和(he)声音即刻向(xiang)全(quan)球几(ji)十(shi)亿人(ren)播放。通信和(he)商务具有全(quan)球性(xing),投资具有流(liu)动(dong)性(xing);技术几(ji) 乎具有魔力;改善生(sheng)活的(de)(de)理想现在具有普遍(bian)性(xing)。今天,我(wo)(wo)(wo)们美国人(ren)通过同世界各地人(ren)民进行(xing)和(he)平(ping)竞争来谋求生(sheng)存。各种(zhong)深远而(er)强大(da)的(de)(de)力量(liang)正在震撼和(he)改造我(wo)(wo)(wo)们的(de)(de)世 界,当(dang)今时代的(de)(de)当(dang)务之(zhi)急是我(wo)(wo)(wo)们能否使变革(ge)成为(wei)我(wo)(wo)(wo)们的(de)(de)朋友(you),而(er)不是成为(wei)我(wo)(wo)(wo)们的(de)(de)敌(di)人(ren)。

这(zhei)(zhei)个(ge)新世界已经使(shi)(shi)(shi)几百(bai)万能够(gou)参与(yu)竞争并且取胜的(de)(de)美国人(ren)过上 了富(fu)裕的(de)(de)生(sheng)活(huo)。但(dan)是,当(dang)(dang)多(duo)数人(ren)干得(de)越多(duo)反而挣得(de)越少的(de)(de)时(shi)候(hou)(hou),当(dang)(dang)有些人(ren)根本不(bu)可能工作(zuo)的(de)(de)时(shi)候(hou)(hou),当(dang)(dang)保健费用的(de)(de)重负使(shi)(shi)(shi)众(zhong)多(duo)家庭不(bu)堪承受、使(shi)(shi)(shi)大大小小的(de)(de)企业濒(bin)临破(po) 产的(de)(de)时(shi)候(hou)(hou),当(dang)(dang)犯罪活(huo)动的(de)(de)恐惧使(shi)(shi)(shi)守法公民不(bu)能自由(you)行(xing)动的(de)(de)时(shi)候(hou)(hou),当(dang)(dang)千百(bai)万贫(pin)穷儿童(tong)甚至(zhi)不(bu)能想象我(wo)们(men)(men)(men)呼唤他们(men)(men)(men)过的(de)(de)那种生(sheng)活(huo)的(de)(de)时(shi)候(hou)(hou),我(wo)们(men)(men)(men)就没(mei)有使(shi)(shi)(shi)变革成(cheng)为我(wo)们(men)(men)(men)的(de)(de)朋 友。我(wo)们(men)(men)(men)知道,我(wo)们(men)(men)(men)必须面对严酷(ku)的(de)(de)事实真相(xiang),并采取强有力(li)的(de)(de)步(bu)骤。但(dan)我(wo)们(men)(men)(men)没(mei)有这(zhei)(zhei)样(yang)做,而是听(ting)之任之,以致损耗(hao)了我(wo)们(men)(men)(men)的(de)(de)资源(yuan),破(po)坏了我(wo)们(men)(men)(men)的(de)(de)经济,动摇了我(wo)们(men)(men)(men) 的(de)(de)信心。

我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)面临惊(jing)人(ren)(ren)的(de)挑战,但我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)同样具有惊(jing)人(ren)(ren)的(de)力量,美(mei)国人(ren)(ren)历(li)来是不安现状、不断(duan)追求和(he)充满希望的(de)民族,今天,我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)必须(xu)把前人(ren)(ren)的(de)远(yuan)见卓识和(he)坚强意志带到(dao)我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)的(de)任务中去(qu)。从(cong)革命,内战,大(da)萧条,直到(dao)民权运动,我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)国人(ren)(ren)民总是下定决(jue)心,从(cong)历(li)次危(wei)机中构筑我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)国历(li)史的(de)支(zhi)柱(zhu)。

托马(ma)斯•杰斐逊认为,为了维护我(wo)国的(de)根(gen)基,我(wo)们(men)需(xu)要时常进(jin)行激动(dong)人心的(de)变(bian)革(ge)。美国同胞们(men),我(wo)们(men)的(de)时代就是变(bian)革(ge)的(de)时代,让我(wo)们(men)拥(yong)抱(bao)这个(ge)时代吧(ba)!

我们(men)的(de)民主(zhu)制度不仅(jin)要(yao)成为举(ju)(ju)世称羡的(de)目标,而且要(yao)成为举(ju)(ju)国复兴(xing)的(de)动力。美国没有任何错误的(de)东西不能(neng)被正(zheng)确的(de)东西所(suo)纠正(zheng)。因此,我们(men)今天立(li)下誓言,要(yao)结(jie)束(shu)这个僵持停(ting)顿、放任自流的(de)时代,一个复兴(xing)美国的(de)新(xin)时代已经开始。

我(wo)(wo)们要(yao)(yao)复(fu)兴美国(guo),就(jiu)必(bi)(bi)须(xu)(xu)鼓足勇气。我(wo)(wo)们必(bi)(bi)须(xu)(xu)做前人(ren)无需做的(de) 事(shi)情。我(wo)(wo)们必(bi)(bi)须(xu)(xu)更多地投资于人(ren)民,投资于他们的(de)工作和(he)未来,与(yu)此同时,我(wo)(wo)们必(bi)(bi)须(xu)(xu)减少巨额债(zhai)务(wu)。而(er)且(qie),我(wo)(wo)们必(bi)(bi)须(xu)(xu)在(zai)一个需要(yao)(yao)为每个机(ji)会而(er)竞(jing)争的(de)世(shi)界上做到(dao)这(zhei)一 切。这(zhei)样(yang)做并不容(rong)易:这(zhei)样(yang)做要(yao)(yao)求作出牺牲。但是(shi),这(zhei)是(shi)做得到(dao)的(de),而(er)且(qie)能(neng)做得公平合理。我(wo)(wo)们不是(shi)为牺牲而(er)牺牲,我(wo)(wo)们必(bi)(bi)须(xu)(xu)像家庭供养(yang)子女(nv)那样(yang)供养(yang)自己的(de)国(guo)家。

我(wo)国的缔造者是(shi)(shi)用子孙后(hou)代(dai)的眼光来审视自己的。我(wo)们(men)(men)(men)也必须 这样做(zuo)。凡是(shi)(shi)注意过孩子蒙?o人睡的人,都知道后(hou)代(dai)意味着什么,后(hou)代(dai)就是(shi)(shi)将要到来的世(shi)界--我(wo)们(men)(men)(men)为(wei)之坚持自己的理想,我(wo)们(men)(men)(men)向之借用这个星球,我(wo)们(men)(men)(men)对(dui)之负(fu)有(you) 神圣的责任(ren)。我(wo)们(men)(men)(men)必须做(zuo)美国最拿(na)手的事情:为(wei)所有(you)的人提供更(geng)多的机会,要所有(you)的人负(fu)起更(geng)多的责任(ren)。

现在是破除(chu)只(zhi)求向政府和(he)别人免(mian)费索取的恶习的时候(hou)了。让我们大(da)家(jia)(jia)不(bu)仅为自己和(he)家(jia)(jia)庭,而(er)且为社(she)区(qu)和(he)国家(jia)(jia)担负(fu)起更多的责任吧。

我们要(yao)复兴美国,就(jiu)必须恢复我们民主制度的(de)(de)活力。这个美丽的(de)(de)首都(dou),就(jiu)像文明的(de)(de)曙光出现(xian)以来(lai)的(de)(de)每(mei)一个首都(dou)一样(yang),常常是尔(er)虞我诈、明争(zheng)暗斗之地(di)。大(da)腕(wan)人(ren)物(wu)争(zheng)权夺势(shi),没完没了地(di)为官员的(de)(de)更替(ti)升(sheng)降而烦(fan)神,却忘记了那些(xie)用(yong)辛勤和汗水(shui)把我们送到(dao)这里来(lai),并(bing)养(yang)活了我们的(de)(de)人(ren)。

美(mei)国人理应得到更(geng)好的(de)(de)回报。在(zai)(zai)这(zhei)(zhei)(zhei)个(ge)(ge)城市(shi)里,今天有(you)(you)人想把(ba)(ba)事 情(qing)办得更(geng)好一(yi)些(xie)。因(yin)此,我(wo)(wo)(wo)要(yao)时所(suo)有(you)(you)在(zai)(zai)场的(de)(de)人说:让我(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)下(xia)定(ding)决(jue)心(xin)(xin)改革政(zheng)治,使权力和特权的(de)(de)喧嚣不再(zai)压倒人民(min)(min)的(de)(de)呼声。让我(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)撇开个(ge)(ge)人利(li)益。这(zhei)(zhei)(zhei)样我(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)就能觉察美(mei) 国的(de)(de)病(bing)痛(tong),并看到官的(de)(de)希望(wang)。让我(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)下(xia)定(ding)决(jue)心(xin)(xin),使政(zheng)府成为(wei)富兰克(ke)林•罗斯福所(suo)说的(de)(de)进行"大(da)胆而持久试验"的(de)(de)地方,成为(wei)一(yi)个(ge)(ge)面向未来而不是留恋(lian)过去的(de)(de)政(zheng)府。让 我(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)把(ba)(ba)这(zhei)(zhei)(zhei)个(ge)(ge)首都归还给它(ta)所(suo)属于的(de)(de)人民(min)(min)。

我们要复兴美国(guo),就必须迎接国(guo)内外(wai)的(de)种种挑(tiao)战。国(guo)外(wai)和国(guo)内事务之间已不再有明确的(de)界(jie)(jie)限(xian)--世界(jie)(jie)经济,世界(jie)(jie)环(huan)境(jing),世界(jie)(jie)艾(ai)滋病危机(ji),世界(jie)(jie)军备竞(jing)赛,这(zhei)一切都(dou)在影响着(zhe)我们大家。

我们(men)在国(guo)内(nei)进(jin)行重建的同(tong)时(shi)(shi),面(mian)对这个新世界的挑(tiao)战不会退缩不前(qian),也下会坐(zuo)失良(liang)机。我们(men)将(jiang)(jiang)同(tong)盟友一(yi)起努力(li)(li)进(jin)行变革,以免被变革所吞(tun)没。当我们(men)的重要利益受到挑(tiao)战,或者,当国(guo)际(ji)社会的意(yi)志和(he)良(liang)知受到蔑视(shi),我们(men)将(jiang)(jiang)采取行动--可能时(shi)(shi)就采用和(he)平外交(jiao)手段,必要时(shi)(shi)就使用武力(li)(li)。

今天,在波斯湾、索马里和任何其(qi)他地方为国(guo)效(xiao)力的勇(yong)敢的美国(guo)人(ren),都证明了我们的决心。

但(dan)是,我(wo)(wo)们最伟大的(de)力(li)量是我(wo)(wo)们思想的(de)威力(li)。这些(xie)思想在(zai)(zai)许多国(guo)家(jia)仍然处于萌芽(ya)阶段。看到(dao)这些(xie)思想在(zai)(zai)世(shi)界(jie)各地被接受(shou),我(wo)(wo)们感(gan)到(dao)欢欣鼓舞。我(wo)(wo)们的(de)希望,我(wo)(wo)们的(de)心,与每一个大陆正在(zai)(zai)建立民主和(he)自由的(de)人们是连(lian)在(zai)(zai)一起的(de)。他(ta)们的(de)事业也(ye)是美国(guo)的(de)事业。

美国(guo)人(ren)民唤来了(le)我(wo)们(men)(men)(men)今(jin)天所庆祝的变革。你们(men)(men)(men)毫不含糊地齐声(sheng)疾呼。你们(men)(men)(men)以前所未有的人(ren)数参加了(le)投票。你们(men)(men)(men)使国(guo)会(hui)、总(zong)统职(zhi)务和政(zheng)治进程本身全都面目一新。是的,是你们(men)(men)(men),我(wo)的美国(guo)同胞(bao)们(men)(men)(men),促(cu)使春回大地。

现在,我(wo)们(men)必(bi)须做这(zhei)个季节需要做的工(gong)作。现在,我(wo)就运用(yong)我(wo)的全部职权转向这(zhei)项工(gong)作。我(wo)请求(qiu)国会(hui)同我(wo)一道做这(zhei)项工(gong)作。任(ren)何(he)总(zong)统、任(ren)何(he)国会(hui)、任(ren)何(he)政府(fu)都不(bu)能单独完成这(zhei)一使命。同胞们(men),在我(wo)国复兴的过程中,你们(men)也必(bi)须发挥作用(yong)。

我向新一代美国(guo)年(nian)轻人(ren)挑战,要求你们投(tou)入(ru)这一奉献(xian)的(de)(de)季节--按照你们的(de)(de)理想(xiang)主义行(xing)动起来,使不(bu)幸的(de)(de)儿童(tong)得(de)到(dao)帮助,使贫困的(de)(de)人(ren)们得(de)到(dao)关(guan)怀,使四分五(wu)裂(lie)的(de)(de)社区恢复联系。要做的(de)(de)事情很(hen)多(duo)--确实够(gou)多(duo)的(de)(de),以至几百万(wan)在(zai)精(jing)神上仍然年(nian)轻的(de)(de)人(ren)也可作出奉献(xian)。

在(zai)奉(feng)(feng)献(xian)过程中(zhong)(zhong),我(wo)们(men)认(ren)识(shi)(shi)到(dao)相互需要(yao)这(zhei)一(yi)(yi)简单而(er)又强大(da)的(de)(de)(de)(de)真 理(li)(li)。我(wo)们(men)必须相互关心.今天,我(wo)们(men)不(bu)仅是(shi)在(zai)赞颂美(mei)国,我(wo)们(men)再一(yi)(yi)次把(ba)自己奉(feng)(feng)献(xian)给美(mei)国的(de)(de)(de)(de)理(li)(li)想:这(zhei)个(ge)(ge)理(li)(li)想在(zai)革命中(zhong)(zhong)诞生(sheng),在(zai)两个(ge)(ge)世纪的(de)(de)(de)(de)挑(tiao)战中(zhong)(zhong)更新(xin);这(zhei)个(ge)(ge)理(li)(li)想经受了 认(ren)识(shi)(shi)的(de)(de)(de)(de)考(kao)验(yan),大(da)家认(ren)识(shi)(shi)到(dao),若(ruo)不(bu)是(shi)命运的(de)(de)(de)(de)安排,幸(xing)运者或不(bu)幸(xing)者有可能互换位置;这(zhei)个(ge)(ge)理(li)(li)想由于一(yi)(yi)种信念而(er)变(bian)得崇高(gao),即我(wo)国能够从纷繁(fan)的(de)(de)(de)(de)多(duo)佯性(xing)中(zhong)(zhong)实现最深(shen)刻的(de)(de)(de)(de)统(tong) 一(yi)(yi)性(xing),这(zhei)个(ge)(ge)理(li)(li)想洋溢着一(yi)(yi)种信:美(mei)国漫长而(er)英勇(yong)的(de)(de)(de)(de)旅(lv)程必将永远继(ji)续。同胞们(men),在(zai)我(wo)恻即将跨入21世纪之际(ji),让(rang)我(wo)们(men)以旺(wang)盛的(de)(de)(de)(de)精力和(he)满腔的(de)(de)(de)(de)希(xi)望,以坚定(ding)的(de)(de)(de)(de)信心和(he) 严(yan)明(ming)的(de)(de)(de)(de)纪律(lv)开始工(gong)作,直到(dao)把(ba)工(gong)作完成。《圣(sheng)经》说:"我(wo)们(men)行善,不(bu)可丧志,若(ruo)不(bu)灰心,到(dao)了时(shi)候,就(jiu)要(yao)收成。"

在这个(ge)欢乐的(de)山巅,我(wo)们听(ting)见山谷里传来了要我(wo)们作出奉献的(de)召唤。我(wo)们听(ting)到了号角声。我(wo)们已(yi)经换岗。现在,我(wo)们必须以(yi)各自的(de)方式(shi),在上帝的(de)帮(bang)助下响应这一召唤。

谢谢大(da)家(jia)(jia)。上帝保佑大(da)家(jia)(jia)。

First Inaugural Address of William J. Clinton
  January 20, 1993

My fellow citizens :

Today we celebrate the mystery of American renewal.

This ceremony is held in the depth of winter. But, by the words we speak and the faces we show the world, we force the spring. A spring reborn in the world's oldest democracy, that brings forth the vision and courage to reinvent America.

When our founders boldly declared America's independence to the world and our purposes to the Almighty, they knew that America, to endure, would have to change. Not change for change's sake, but change to preserve America's ideals; life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness. Though we march to the music of our time, our mission is timeless. Each generation of Americans must define what it means to be an American.

On behalf of our nation, I salute my predecessor, President Bush, for his half-century of service to America. And I thank the millions of men and women whose steadfastness and sacrifice triumphed over Depression, fascism and Communism.

Today, a generation raised in the shadows of the Cold War assumes new responsibilities in a world warmed by the sunshine of freedom but threatened still by ancient hatreds and new plagues.

Raised in unrivaled prosperity, we inherit an economy that is still the world's strongest, but is weakened by business failures, stagnant wages, increasing inequality, and deep divisions among our people.

When George Washington first took the oath I have just sworn to uphold, news traveled slowly across the land by horseback and across the ocean by boat. Now, the sights and sounds of this ceremony are broadcast instantaneously to billions around the world.

Communications and commerce are global; investment is mobile; technology is almost magical; and ambition for a better life is now universal. We earn our livelihood in peaceful competition with people all across the earth.

Profound and powerful forces are shaking and remaking our world, and the urgent question of our time is whether we can make change our friend and not our enemy.

This new world has already enriched the lives of millions of Americans who are able to compete and win in it. But when most people are working harder for less; when others cannot work at all; when the cost of health care devastates families and threatens to bankrupt many of our enterprises, great and small; when fear of crime robs law-abiding citizens of their freedom; and when millions of poor children cannot even imagine the lives we are calling them to lead, we have not made change our friend.

We know we have to face hard truths and take strong steps. But we have not done so. Instead, we have drifted, and that drifting has eroded our resources, fractured our economy, and shaken our confidence.

Though our challenges are fearsome, so are our strengths. And Americans have ever been a restless, questing, hopeful people. We must bring to our task today the vision and will of those who came before us.

From our revolution, the Civil War, to the Great Depression to the civil rights movement, our people have always mustered the determination to construct from these crises the pillars of our history.

Thomas Jefferson believed that to preserve the very foundations of our nation, we would need dramatic change from time to time. Well, my fellow citizens, this is our time. Let us embrace it.

Our democracy must be not only the envy of the world but the engine of our own renewal. There is nothing wrong with America that cannot be cured by what is right with America.

And so today, we pledge an end to the era of deadlock and drift; a new season of American renewal has begun. To renew America, we must be bold. We must do what no generation has had to do before. We must invest more in our own people, in their jobs, in their future, and at the same time cut our massive debt. And we must do so in a world in which we must compete for every opportunity. It will not be easy; it will require sacrifice. But it can be done, and done fairly, not choosing sacrifice for its own sake, but for our own sake. We must provide for our nation the way a family provides for its children.

Our Founders saw themselves in the light of posterity. We can do no less. Anyone who has ever watched a child's eyes wander into sleep knows what posterity is. Posterity is the world to come; the world for whom we hold our ideals, from whom we have borrowed our planet, and to whom we bear sacred responsibility. We must do what America does best: offer more opportunity to all and demand responsibility from all.

It is time to break the bad habit of expecting something for nothing, from our government or from each other. Let us all take more responsibility, not only for ourselves and our families but for our communities and our country. To renew America, we must revitalize our democracy.

This beautiful capital, like every capital since the dawn of civilization, is often a place of intrigue and calculation. Powerful people maneuver for position and worry endlessly about who is in and who is out, who is up and who is down, forgetting those people whose toil and sweat sends us here and pays our way.

Americans deserve better, and in this city today, there are people who want to do better. And so I say to all of us here, let us resolve to reform our politics, so that power and privilege no longer shout down the voice of the people. Let us put aside personal advantage so that we can feel the pain and see the promise of America. Let us resolve to make our government a place for what Franklin Roosevelt called "bold, persistent experimentation," a government for our tomorrows, not our yesterdays. Let us give this capital back to the people to whom it belongs.

To renew America, we must meet challenges abroad as well at home. There is no longer division between what is foreign and what is domestic; the world economy, the world environment, the world AIDS crisis, the world arms race; they affect us all.

Today, as an old order passes, the new world is more free but less stable. Communism's collapse has called forth old animosities and new dangers. Clearly America must continue to lead the world we did so much to make.

While America rebuilds at home, we will not shrink from the challenges, nor fail to seize the opportunities, of this new world. Together with our friends and allies, we will work to shape change, lest it engulf us.

When our vital interests are challenged, or the will and conscience of the international community is defied, we will act; with peaceful diplomacy when ever possible, with force when necessary. The brave Americans serving our nation today in the Persian Gulf, in Somalia, and wherever else they stand are testament to our resolve.

But our greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands. Across the world, we see them embraced, and we rejoice. Our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom. Their cause is America's cause.

The American people have summoned the change we celebrate today. You have raised your voices in an unmistakable chorus. You have cast your votes in historic numbers. And you have changed the face of Congress, the presidency and the political process itself. Yes, you, my fellow Americans have forced the spring. Now, we must do the work the season demands.

To that work I now turn, with all the authority of my office. I ask the Congress to join with me. But no president, no Congress, no government, can undertake this mission alone. My fellow Americans, you, too, must play your part in our renewal. I challenge a new generation of young Americans to a season of service; to act on your idealism by helping troubled children, keeping company with those in need, reconnecting our torn communities. There is so much to be done; enough indeed for millions of others who are still young in spirit to give of themselves in service, too.

In serving, we recognize a simple but powerful truth, we need each other. And we must care for one another. Today, we do more than celebrate America; we rededicate ourselves to the very idea of America.

An idea born in revolution and renewed through two centuries of challenge. An idea tempered by the knowledge that, but for fate we, the fortunate and the unfortunate, might have been each other. An idea ennobled by the faith that our nation can summon from its myriad diversity the deepest measure of unity. An idea infused with the conviction that America's long heroic journey must go forever upward.

And so, my fellow Americans, at the edge of the 21st century, let us begin with energy and hope, with faith and discipline, and let us work until our work is done. The scripture says, "And let us not be weary in well-doing, for in due season, we shall reap, if we faint not."

From this joyful mountaintop of celebration, we hear a call to service in the valley. We have heard the trumpets. We have changed the guard. And now, each in our way, and with God's help, we must answer the call.

Thank you, and God bless you all.

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