里根第一任(ren)总统就职(zhi)演说
罗纳德-里(li)根 第一(yi)次就(jiu)职演说
第40任总统(1981年-1989年)
议(yi)员海特(te)菲(fei)尔(er)德(de)先生(sheng)(sheng)(sheng)、法(fa)官先生(sheng)(sheng)(sheng)、总(zong)统先生(sheng)(sheng)(sheng)、副总(zong)统布什、蒙代尔(er)先生(sheng)(sheng)(sheng)、议(yi)员贝克先生(sheng)(sheng)(sheng)、发言人(ren)奥尼尔(er)先生(sheng)(sheng)(sheng)、尊敬的摩麦先生(sheng)(sheng)(sheng)，以(yi)及广大支持我(wo)的美(mei)国同胞(bao)们：今天对于(yu)我(wo)们中间的一些(xie)人(ren)来(lai)(lai)说，是一个(ge)非常庄严(yan)隆重(zhong)的时(shi)刻。当然，对于(yu)这个(ge)国家的历史来(lai)(lai)说，却(que)是一件普通(tong)的事(shi)(shi)情。按照宪法(fa)要(yao)求，政(zheng)府权利正在有(you)序地移交，我(wo)们已经如此“例行公事(shi)(shi)”了两个(ge)世(shi)纪，很少有(you)人(ren)觉得这有(you)什么特(te)别的。但在世(shi)界上(shang)更(geng)多(duo)人(ren)看来(lai)(lai)，这个(ge)我(wo)们已经习以(yi)为常的四(si)年一次的仪式，却(que)实在是一个(ge)奇迹。
总统先生，我(wo)希望我(wo)们(men)的(de)(de)(de)同(tong)胞们(men)都(dou)能知道你(ni)(ni)为(wei)了(le)这个(ge)传(chuan)承而(er)付出的(de)(de)(de)努力。通过移交程序中(zhong)的(de)(de)(de)通力合作(zuo)，你(ni)(ni)向观察者展示了(le)这么一(yi)个(ge)事实：我(wo)们(men)是发誓要(yao)团结起来(lai)维护这样一(yi)个(ge)政治(zhi)体(ti)(ti)制的(de)(de)(de)团体(ti)(ti)，这样的(de)(de)(de)体(ti)(ti)制保证了(le)我(wo)们(men)能够得到比其他政体(ti)(ti)更为(wei)广泛(fan)的(de)(de)(de)个(ge)人自由。同(tong)时我(wo)也要(yao)感谢你(ni)(ni)和(he)你(ni)(ni)的(de)(de)(de)伙(huo)伴们(men)的(de)(de)(de)帮助(zhu)，因为(wei)你(ni)(ni)们(men)坚持了(le)这样的(de)(de)(de)传(chuan)承，而(er)这恰恰是我(wo)们(men)共和(he)国的(de)(de)(de)根基(ji)。
我(wo)们国家的(de)(de)事业在继(ji)续前进(jin)。合众国正面临巨大(da)的(de)(de)经济困难。我(wo)们遭遇到我(wo)国历史上历时最长、最严重(zhong)之一的(de)(de)通(tong)货膨胀(zhang)，它(ta)扰乱着我(wo)们的(de)(de)经济决策，打击着节俭的(de)(de)风(feng)气，压迫着正在挣扎谋生的(de)(de)青年人和收入(ru)固(gu)定的(de)(de)中年人，威胁(xie)着要摧(cui)毁我(wo)国千百万人民的(de)(de)生计。
停滞的(de)工业(ye)使工人(ren)(ren)失业(ye)、蒙受(shou)痛苦(ku)并失去了个人(ren)(ren)尊严。即使那(nei)些(xie)有工作的(de)人(ren)(ren)，也因(yin)税(shui)收(shou)(shou)制度的(de)缘故而得不到(dao)公正的(de)劳动(dong)报酬，因(yin)为这(zhei)种税(shui)收(shou)(shou)制度使我们(men)无法(fa)在事(shi)业(ye)上取得成就，使我们(men)无法(fa)保持充分的(de)生产力。
尽管(guan)我(wo)们(men)的(de)(de)纳税负(fu)担相当(dang)沉重，但(dan)还是跟不(bu)上(shang)公(gong)共(gong)开支的(de)(de)增长。数十年来，我(wo)们(men)的(de)(de)赤(chi)字额屡屡上(shang)升，我(wo)们(men)为图目前暂时的(de)(de)方(fang)便，把自己(ji)的(de)(de)前途(tu)和子孙(sun)的(de)(de)前途(tu)抵(di)押出去(qu)了。这一趋势如果长此以(yi)往，必然引起社会、文(wen)化、政治和经(jing)济等方(fang)面的(de)(de)大动荡。
作为(wei)个(ge)(ge)人，你们(men)(men)和我可(ke)以(yi)(yi)靠(kao)借贷(dai)过一种人不敷出的(de)(de)生活，然而只能维持(chi)一段(duan)有限的(de)(de)时(shi)期，我们(men)(men)怎(zen)么可(ke)以(yi)(yi)认为(wei)，作为(wei)一个(ge)(ge)国(guo)家整(zheng)体，我们(men)(men)就(jiu)(jiu)不应受到(dao)同样(yang)的(de)(de)约束呢？为(wei)了保住明天(tian)，我们(men)(men)今天(tian)就(jiu)(jiu)必(bi)须(xu)行(xing)动(dong)起来(lai)。大(da)家都要(yao)明白无误地懂得--我们(men)(men)从今天(tian)起就(jiu)(jiu)要(yao)采取(qu)行(xing)动(dong)。
我们(men)深受其害的(de)经济(ji)弊病，几(ji)十年来一直袭击着我们(men)。这些(xie)弊病不(bu)会在几(ji)天、几(ji)星期或几(ji)个月(yue)内(nei)消(xiao)失(shi)，但它(ta)们(men)终将消(xiao)失(shi)。它(ta)们(men)之所以终将消(xiao)失(shi)，是(shi)因为(wei)我们(men)作为(wei)现在的(de)美国(guo)人，一如既往地有能力去完成需要完成的(de)事情，以保存这个最后(hou)而又最伟大的(de)自由堡(bao)垒(lei)。
在当前这场危(wei)机中，政(zheng)府的管(guan)(guan)理(li)不能解决我们(men)面临(lin)的问题。政(zheng)府的管(guan)(guan)理(li)就是问题所在。
我(wo)(wo)们时常误以为，社会已经越来(lai)越复杂，已经不可能(neng)凭(ping)借(jie)自治(zhi)方(fang)式(shi)加以管理，而(er)一个由杰出(chu)人(ren)物组成的政(zheng)府(fu)要比民享、民治(zhi)、民有(you)的政(zheng)府(fu)高明(ming)。可是，假如(ru)我(wo)(wo)们之中(zhong)谁也(ye)管理不了自己(ji)，那(nei)么，我(wo)(wo)们之中(zhong)谁还能(neng)去管理他(ta)人(ren)呢。
我们(men)(men)大家--不(bu)论政(zheng)府(fu)官员(yuan)还是平(ping)民(min)百姓(xing)--必须共同(tong)肩负起这个(ge)(ge)责任(ren)，我们(men)(men)谋求的(de)(de)解决办法必须是公(gong)平(ping)的(de)(de)，不(bu)要(yao)使任(ren)何(he)一(yi)个(ge)(ge)群体付出较高的(de)(de)代价。
我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)听到许多(duo)关(guan)于特殊利(li)益(yi)集团的(de)谈论，然而。我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)必须关(guan)心一个被忽视(shi)了大(da)久(jiu)的(de)特殊利(li)益(yi)集团。这(zhei)个集团没有区域之(zhi)(zhi)分(fen)，没有人(ren)种(zhong)之(zhi)(zhi)分(fen)，没有民(min)族之(zhi)(zhi)分(fen)，没有 政党之(zhi)(zhi)分(fen)，这(zhei)个集团由许许多(duo)多(duo)的(de)男(nan)人(ren)与女(nv)人(ren)组成，他们(men)(men)生(sheng)产粮食，巡逻街头，管(guan)理厂矿，教(jiao)育儿童(tong)，照料家务和治疗(liao)疾病。他们(men)(men)是专(zhuan)业(ye)人(ren)员、实业(ye)家、店主、职(zhi) 员、出租汽车司机和货车驾(jia)驶员，总而言之(zhi)(zhi)，他们(men)(men)就是"我(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)人(ren)民(min)"--这(zhei)个称(cheng)之(zhi)(zhi)为美国人(ren)的(de)民(min)族。
本届政府的(de)(de)(de)(de)日标是必须建(jian)立一(yi)种(zhong)健全的(de)(de)(de)(de)、生(sheng)气(qi)勃勃的(de)(de)(de)(de)和不断发展的(de)(de)(de)(de)经济，为全体(ti)美(mei)国(guo)人(ren)民(min)提供一(yi)种(zhong)不因偏执或歧视而造成(cheng)障(zhang)碍的(de)(de)(de)(de)均等机(ji)会，让(rang)美(mei)国(guo)重新(xin)工作起 来，意味着让(rang)全体(ti)美(mei)国(guo)人(ren)重新(xin)工作起来。制(zhi)止通货膨胀，意味着让(rang)全体(ti)美(mei)国(guo)人(ren)从失控的(de)(de)(de)(de)生(sheng)活费(fei)用(yong)所造成(cheng)的(de)(de)(de)(de)恐(kong)惧中解(jie)脱出来。人(ren)人(ren)都(dou)应(ying)分担"新(xin)开端"的(de)(de)(de)(de)富有(you)(you)成(cheng)效的(de)(de)(de)(de)工 作，人(ren)人(ren)都(dou)应(ying)分享经济复苏的(de)(de)(de)(de)硕果。我(wo)国(guo)制(zhi)度和力量的(de)(de)(de)(de)核(he)心是理想(xiang)主义和公正态(tai)度，有(you)(you)了这些，我(wo)们(men)就能(neng)建(jian)立起强(qiang)大、繁荣、国(guo)内稳(wen)定并同全世界(jie)和平(ping)相处的(de)(de)(de)(de)美(mei)国(guo)。
因此(ci)，在我们(men)开(kai)始之际(ji)，让我们(men)看(kan)看(kan)实际(ji)情况(kuang)。我们(men)是(shi)一(yi)(yi)个拥(yong)有(you)政(zheng)府的(de)国家--而不是(shi)一(yi)(yi)个拥(yong)有(you)国家的(de)政(zheng)府。这(zhei)一(yi)(yi)点使我们(men)在世界合国中独树一(yi)(yi)帜，我们(men)的(de)政(zheng)府 除了人民授(shou)予的(de)权(quan)力(li)(li)，没有(you)任(ren)何别的(de)权(quan)力(li)(li)。目(mu)前，政(zheng)府权(quan)力(li)(li)的(de)膨胀已(yi)显示出超过被统治者(zhe)同意的(de)迹(ji)象，制止并扭转这(zhei)种(zhong)状况(kuang)的(de)时候到了。
我(wo)打(da)算(suan)压缩(suo)联邦(bang)机(ji)构的(de)规模和权(quan)(quan)力，并要求大家承认联邦(bang)政(zheng)府(fu)被授予的(de)权(quan)(quan)力同各(ge)州(zhou)或人民保留的(de)权(quan)(quan)利这两者之(zhi)间(jian)的(de)区别。我(wo)们(men)(men)大家都(dou)需要提醒：不(bu)是(shi)(shi)(shi)联邦(bang)政(zheng)府(fu)创(chuang) 立(li)(li)了各(ge)州(zhou)，而(er)(er)是(shi)(shi)(shi)各(ge)州(zhou)创(chuang)立(li)(li)了联邦(bang)政(zheng)府(fu)。因此，请(qing)不(bu)要误(wu)会(hui)，我(wo)的(de)意思不(bu)是(shi)(shi)(shi)要取消政(zheng)府(fu)，而(er)(er)是(shi)(shi)(shi)要它发(fa)挥作(zuo)用--同我(wo)们(men)(men)一起合作(zuo)，而(er)(er)不(bu)是(shi)(shi)(shi)凌驾(jia)于我(wo)们(men)(men)之(zhi)上；同我(wo)们(men)(men)并肩(jian) 而(er)(er)立(li)(li)，而(er)(er)不(bu)是(shi)(shi)(shi)骑在(zai)我(wo)们(men)(men)的(de)背上。政(zheng)府(fu)能够而(er)(er)且(qie)必(bi)须提供机(ji)会(hui)，而(er)(er)不(bu)是(shi)(shi)(shi)扼杀机(ji)会(hui)，它能够而(er)(er)且(qie)必(bi)须促进生产力，而(er)(er)不(bu)是(shi)(shi)(shi)抑(yi)制生产力。
如果我(wo)们要探究这么(me)多年(nian)来我(wo)们为(wei)什么(me)能取得这么(me)大成就，并获(huo)得了世界上任何(he)一个(ge)(ge)民族(zu)未曾获(huo)得的(de)繁荣(rong)昌盛，其原因是在(zai)这片土(tu)地上，我(wo)们使人(ren)类的(de)能力和个(ge)(ge) 人(ren)的(de)才智得到(dao)了前所(suo)未有(you)的(de)发(fa)挥(hui)。在(zai)这里，个(ge)(ge)人(ren)所(suo)享有(you)并得以(yi)确保(bao)的(de)自由和尊(zun)严超过了世界上任何(he)其他(ta)地方。为(wei)这种(zhong)自由所(suo)付出(chu)的(de)代(dai)价(jia)有(you)时相当高昂，但我(wo)们从(cong)来没 有(you)不愿(yuan)意付出(chu)这代(dai)价(jia)。
我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)目前(qian)的(de)(de)困难，与政府机构(gou)因为(wei)不必(bi)要的(de)(de)过度膨(peng)胀而干预、侵(qin)扰我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)的(de)(de)生活同步增加，这决不是偶然(ran)的(de)(de)巧(qiao)合。我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)是一个泱泱大国，不能自囿于小(xiao)小(xiao)的(de)(de)梦想， 现在正(zheng)是认识(shi)到这一点(dian)的(de)(de)时(shi)候(hou)。我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)并(bing)非注定走(zou)向衰(shuai)落，尽管有些人想让我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)相(xiang)信这一点(dian)。我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)不相(xiang)信，无论我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)做些什么(me)，我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)都将(jiang)(jiang)命该如(ru)此，但(dan)我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)相(xiang)信，如(ru)果我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)(men) 什么(me)也不做，我(wo)(wo)(wo)(wo)们(men)(men)将(jiang)(jiang)的(de)(de)确命该如(ru)此。
为此，让我(wo)们(men)以掌握的(de)(de)一(yi)切创造力来开(kai)创一(yi)个(ge)国家(jia)复兴的(de)(de)时(shi)代吧(ba)。让我(wo)们(men)重新(xin)拿出决心、勇气和(he)力量，让我(wo)们(men)重新(xin)建立起我(wo)们(men)的(de)(de)信念和(he)希望吧(ba)。我(wo)们(men)完全(quan)有(you)权去做英(ying)雄梦。
有(you)人告诉我(wo)(wo)(wo)们在他的身上发现一本日记。扉(fei)页(ye)上写着这(zhei)(zhei)样(yang)的标题：“我(wo)(wo)(wo)的誓(shi)言”。 他写下(xia)了这(zhei)(zhei)样(yang)的话语：“美国必须赢(ying)得(de)这(zhei)(zhei)场战(zhan)争。为此，我(wo)(wo)(wo)会(hui)奋斗，我(wo)(wo)(wo)会(hui)拯救，我(wo)(wo)(wo)会(hui)牺牲，我(wo)(wo)(wo)会(hui)忍(ren)受(shou)，我(wo)(wo)(wo)会(hui)并将尽我(wo)(wo)(wo)最大的努力(li)英(ying)勇(yong)奋战(zhan)，就好(hao)比所有(you)的战(zhan)争问题都将由(you)我(wo)(wo)(wo)一个人来肩负。”
First Inaugural Address of Ronald Reagan
TUESDAY, JANUARY 20, 1981
Senator Hatfield, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. President, Vice President Bush, Vice President Mondale, Senator Baker, Speaker O'Neill, Reverend Moomaw, and my fellow citizens: To a few of us here today, this is a solemn and most momentous occasion; and yet, in the history of our Nation, it is a commonplace occurrence. The orderly transfer of authority as called for in the Constitution routinely takes place as it has for almost two centuries and few of us stop to think how unique we really are. In the eyes of many in the world, this every-4-year ceremony we accept as normal is nothing less than a miracle.
Mr. President, I want our fellow citizens to know how much you did to carry on this tradition. By your gracious cooperation in the transition process, you have shown a watching world that we are a united people pledged to maintaining a political system which guarantees individual liberty to a greater degree than any other, and I thank you and your people for all your help in maintaining the continuity which is the bulwark of our Republic.
The business of our nation goes forward. These United States are confronted with an economic affliction of great proportions. We suffer from the longest and one of the worst sustained inflations in our national history. It distorts our economic decisions, penalizes thrift, and crushes the struggling young and the fixed- income elderly alike. It threatens to shatter the lives of millions of our people.
Idle industries have cast workers into unemployment, causing human misery and personal indignity. Those who do work are denied a fair return for their labor by a tax system which penalizes successful achievement and keeps us from maintaining full productivity.
But great as our tax burden is, it has not kept pace with public spending. For decades, we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our future and our children's future for the temporary convenience of the present. To continue this long trend is to guarantee tremendous social, cultural, political, and economic upheavals.
You and I, as individuals, can, by borrowing, live beyond our means, but for only a limited period of time. Why, then, should we think that collectively, as a nation, we are not bound by that same limitation?
We must act today in order to preserve tomorrow. And let there be no misunderstanding--we are going to begin to act, beginning today.
The economic ills we suffer have come upon us over several decades. They will not go away in days, weeks, or months, but they will go away. They will go away because we, as Americans, have the capacity now, as we have had in the past, to do whatever needs to be done to preserve this last and greatest bastion of freedom.
In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem.
From time to time, we have been tempted to believe that society has become too complex to be managed by self-rule, that government by an elite group is superior to government for, by, and of the people. But if no one among us is capable of governing himself, then who among us has the capacity to govern someone else? All of us together, in and out of government, must bear the burden. The solutions we seek must be equitable, with no one group singled out to pay a higher price.
We hear much of special interest groups. Our concern must be for a special interest group that has been too long neglected. It knows no sectional boundaries or ethnic and racial divisions, and it crosses political party lines. It is made up of men and women who raise our food, patrol our streets, man our mines and our factories, teach our children, keep our homes, and heal us when we are sick--professionals, industrialists, shopkeepers, clerks, cabbies, and truckdrivers. They are, in short, "We the people," this breed called Americans.
Well, this administration's objective will be a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal opportunity for all Americans, with no barriers born of bigotry or discrimination. Putting America back to work means putting all Americans back to work. Ending inflation means freeing all Americans from the terror of runaway living costs. All must share in the productive work of this "new beginning" and all must share in the bounty of a revived economy. With the idealism and fair play which are the core of our system and our strength, we can have a strong and prosperous America at peace with itself and the world.
So, as we begin, let us take inventory. We are a nation that has a government--not the other way around. And this makes us special among the nations of the Earth. Our Government has no power except that granted it by the people. It is time to check and reverse the growth of government which shows signs of having grown beyond the consent of the governed.
It is my intention to curb the size and influence of the Federal establishment and to demand recognition of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people. All of us need to be reminded that the Federal Government did not create the States; the States created the Federal Government.
Now, so there will be no misunderstanding, it is not my intention to do away with government. It is, rather, to make it work-work with us, not over us; to stand by our side, not ride on our back. Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it; foster productivity, not stifle it.
If we look to the answer as to why, for so many years, we achieved so much, prospered as no other people on Earth, it was because here, in this land, we unleashed the energy and individual genius of man to a greater extent than has ever been done before. Freedom and the dignity of the individual have been more available and assured here than in any other place on Earth. The price for this freedom at times has been high, but we have never been unwilling to pay that price.
It is no coincidence that our present troubles parallel and are proportionate to the intervention and intrusion in our lives that result from unnecessary and excessive growth of government. It is time for us to realize that we are too great a nation to limit ourselves to small dreams. We are not, as some would have us believe, loomed to an inevitable decline. I do not believe in a fate that will all on us no matter what we do. I do believe in a fate that will fall on us if we do nothing. So, with all the creative energy at our command, let us begin an era of national renewal. Let us renew our determination, our courage, and our strength. And let us renew; our faith and our hope.
We have every right to dream heroic dreams. Those who say that we are in a time when there are no heroes just don't know where to look. You can see heroes every day going in and out of factory gates. Others, a handful in number, produce enough food to feed all of us and then the world beyond. You meet heroes across a counter--and they are on both sides of that counter. There are entrepreneurs with faith in themselves and faith in an idea who create new jobs, new wealth and opportunity. They are individuals and families whose taxes support the Government and whose voluntary gifts support church, charity, culture, art, and education. Their patriotism is quiet but deep. Their values sustain our national life.
I have used the words "they" and "their" in speaking of these heroes. I could say "you" and "your" because I am addressing the heroes of whom I speak--you, the citizens of this blessed land. Your dreams, your hopes, your goals are going to be the dreams, the hopes, and the goals of this administration, so help me God.
We shall reflect the compassion that is so much a part of your makeup. How can we love our country and not love our countrymen, and loving them, reach out a hand when they fall, heal them when they are sick, and provide opportunities to make them self- sufficient so they will be equal in fact and not just in theory?
Can we solve the problems confronting us? Well, the answer is an unequivocal and emphatic "yes." To paraphrase Winston Churchill, I did not take the oath I have just taken with the intention of presiding over the dissolution of the world's strongest economy.
In the days ahead I will propose removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced productivity. Steps will be taken aimed at restoring the balance between the various levels of government. Progress may be slow--measured in inches and feet, not miles--but we will progress. Is it time to reawaken this industrial giant, to get government back within its means, and to lighten our punitive tax burden. And these will be our first priorities, and on these principles, there will be no compromise.
On the eve of our struggle for independence a man who might have been one of the greatest among the Founding Fathers, Dr. Joseph Warren, President of the Massachusetts Congress, said to his fellow Americans, "Our country is in danger, but not to be despaired of.... On you depend the fortunes of America. You are to decide the important questions upon which rests the happiness and the liberty of millions yet unborn. Act worthy of yourselves."
Well, I believe we, the Americans of today, are ready to act worthy of ourselves, ready to do what must be done to ensure happiness and liberty for ourselves, our children and our children's children.
And as we renew ourselves here in our own land, we will be seen as having greater strength throughout the world. We will again be the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now have freedom.
To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm commitment. We will match loyalty with loyalty. We will strive for mutually beneficial relations. We will not use our friendship to impose on their sovereignty, for or own sovereignty is not for sale.
As for the enemies of freedom, those who are potential adversaries, they will be reminded that peace is the highest aspiration of the American people. We will negotiate for it, sacrifice for it; we will not surrender for it--now or ever.
Our forbearance should never be misunderstood. Our reluctance for conflict should not be misjudged as a failure of will. When action is required to preserve our national security, we will act. We will maintain sufficient strength to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance of never having to use that strength.
Above all, we must realize that no arsenal, or no weapon in the arsenals of the world, is so formidable as the will and moral courage of free men and women. It is a weapon our adversaries in today's world do not have. It is a weapon that we as Americans do have. Let that be understood by those who practice terrorism and prey upon their neighbors.
I am told that tens of thousands of prayer meetings are being held on this day, and for that I am deeply grateful. We are a nation under God, and I believe God intended for us to be free. It would be fitting and good, I think, if on each Inauguration Day in future years it should be declared a day of prayer.
This is the first time in history that this ceremony has been held, as you have been told, on this West Front of the Capitol. Standing here, one faces a magnificent vista, opening up on this city's special beauty and history. At the end of this open mall are those shrines to the giants on whose shoulders we stand.
Directly in front of me, the monument to a monumental man: George Washington, Father of our country. A man of humility who came to greatness reluctantly. He led America out of revolutionary victory into infant nationhood. Off to one side, the stately memorial to Thomas Jefferson. The Declaration of Independence flames with his eloquence.
And then beyond the Reflecting Pool the dignified columns of the Lincoln Memorial. Whoever would understand in his heart the meaning of America will find it in the life of Abraham Lincoln.
Beyond those monuments to heroism is the Potomac River, and on the far shore the sloping hills of Arlington National Cemetery with its row on row of simple white markers bearing crosses or Stars of David. They add up to only a tiny fraction of the price that has been paid for our freedom.
Each one of those markers is a monument to the kinds of hero I spoke of earlier. Their lives ended in places called Belleau Wood, The Argonne, Omaha Beach, Salerno and halfway around the world on Guadalcanal, Tarawa, Pork Chop Hill, the Chosin Reservoir, and in a hundred rice paddies and jungles of a place called Vietnam.
Under one such marker lies a young man--Martin Treptow--who left his job in a small town barber shop in 1917 to go to France with the famed Rainbow Division. There, on the western front, he was killed trying to carry a message between battalions under heavy artillery fire.
We are told that on his body was found a diary. On the flyleaf under the heading, "My Pledge," he had written these words: "America must win this war. Therefore, I will work, I will save, I will sacrifice, I will endure, I will fight cheerfully and do my utmost, as if the issue of the whole struggle depended on me alone."
The crisis we are facing today does not require of us the kind of sacrifice that Martin Treptow and so many thousands of others were called upon to make. It does require, however, our best effort, and our willingness to believe in ourselves and to believe in our capacity to perform great deeds; to believe that together, with God's help, we can and will resolve the problems which now confront us.
And, after all, why shouldn't we believe that? We are Americans. God bless you, and thank you.
